By Abiola Akiyode Afolabi
Continued from yesterday
Young women, migration, and desperation
WE must also confront another reality that is often ignored. When young Nigerian women between the ages of 18 and 35 are boarding boats, risking their lives, becoming returnees from Germany and other countries, it is not because they lack ambition.
It is because opportunity is unequal. It is because leadership spaces are closed. It is because hope has been denied.
No society should force its daughters to gamble with death just to have a future.
Women’s participation and leadership in Nigeria: The reality
Women constitute nearly half of Nigeria’s population, yet their representation in political leadership and high-level decision-making remains abysmally low. From elective offices to appointive positions, Nigeria consistently ranks among the lowest globally in women’s political representation. This gap is not accidental, it is systemic.
Allow me to begin with a personal recollection that illustrates this intersection.
Many years ago, I participated in a political process where democratic participation appeared open and inclusive. Women were present mobilising voters, strengthening party networks, sustaining grassroots structures. Yet when decision-making authority was exercised, it occurred elsewhere. Quietly. Strategic participation was permitted. Leadership was withheld.
This experience reflects what feminist political theorists describe as the distinction between descriptive participation and substantive power, where presence does not translate into influence. Scholars such as Anne Phillips and Iris Marion Young have long argued that democratic legitimacy requires more than representation; it requires access to decision-making authority itself. Without such access, inclusion remains symbolic rather than transformative.
This insight underscores why stepping up cannot be interpreted merely as individual ambition. Stepping up is structural engagement. It involves challenging institutional norms that define leadership through historically masculine paradigms and redefining authority in inclusive terms.
Gender inequality in leadership is not incidental. It is historically embedded. Feminist institutionalism as articulated by scholars including Mona Lena Krook demonstrates that formal rules often coexist with informal norms that sustain exclusion. These norms shape recruitment pathways, define acceptable leadership behaviours, and determine legitimacy. As a result, leadership systems frequently reproduce themselves by privileging continuity over diversity.
Nigeria’s leadership story is one of contrasts: with significant contributions by women across key sectors on the one hand, and persistent under-representation at decision-making tables on the other. Women sustain families and communities and play active roles in entrepreneurship and frontline services. However, their presence thins out in politics, corporate boardrooms, and senior government positions. At the federal level, women occupy only a fraction of political leadership positions.
In the 10th National Assembly, 21 of 469 seats are held by women, representing just 4.5 percent. This includes four senators and seventeen members of the House of Representatives, one of the lowest rates in Africa and far below the global average of 27.2 per cent. The federal cabinet reflects a similar imbalance: 8 of 48 ministers are women, alongside 10 of 34 presidential advisers.
These appointments are important but still fall short of the 35 per cent benchmark set by Nigeria’s National Gender Policy.
The data across the states shows the same pattern. Women hold just 49 of 988 seats in the Houses of Assembly nationwide, less than five percent overall. Notably, six women currently serve as Deputy Speakers, signaling that opportunities exist where political will aligns. State cabinets provide another important avenue for women’s leadership.
Here, Kwara stands out, with women making up 46 per cent of cabinet positions, surpassing the national quota. Ekiti, Oyo, Taraba, Anambra, and Kaduna record more balanced cabinets, though most states still hover in the single digits, with many barely appointing one or two women. In contrast, the judiciary stands out as one of the more inclusive arms of government.
Fifteen of Nigeria’s 36 states currently have women serving as Chief Judges, and the Chief Justice of Nigeria is a woman. At the Supreme and Court of Appeal, women occupy close to one-third of the seats. This is a reminder that where transparent career progression and tenure-based promotion exist, women are more likely to rise into senior roles.
At the grassroots, where governance is closest to the citizens, women remain almost entirely absent from leadership. Out of 811 Local Government Chairperson position? nationwide, only 41 are occupied by women just five percent. Councillorship seats tell a similar story: of 8,773 Councilors profiled, only 604 are women, representing less than seven percent. Regional disparities are stark. Southern states perform better, with Akwa Ibom leading at 34 percent female councillors, followed by Cross River (24 per cent). Ekiti (22 per cent), and Lagos (20 per cent). Many northern states, by contrast, record no women at all. This gap at the local level weakens service delivery but also cuts off the pipeline of women leaders who would otherwise rise to higher positions. In the private sector, progress is evident though significant gaps remain. Across the fifty most capitalised firms on the Nigerian Exchange (NGX), women hold 31 per cent of board seats. This represents gradual improvement, however, only five of the 50 companies have a woman as board chair. The financial sector has taken the lead, driven by the Central Bank of Nigeria’s Sustainable Banking Principles and governance codes that promote diversity. By contrast, sectors like oil and gas, technology and utilities show far slower progress, with women holding barely a quarter of leadership positions or even less. In the education and health sectors, women dominate at the frontline but are few at the top.
Women account for more than half of the teachers at secondary level and are majority of the nurses, mid-wives, and community health workers. But only 12 of 270 Vice Chancellors in Nigerian universities are women, and professional associations across health and education remain overwhelmingly led by men. This reflects the “XX paradox”: where women deliver most of the services yet rarely shape the decisions.
Read the remaining part of this article on www.guardian.ng
Dr Afolabi, the executive chair of Women Advocates Research and Documentation Centre (WARDC) delivered this as keynote address at the 39th annual conference and rally of the National Governing Body of Inner Wheel Clubs in Nigeria.
appointments fall short of national policy benchmarks; leadership distribution across governance levels remains uneven.
5.1 A political scenario: The 2007 gender audit
The 2007 Gender Audit of Nigeria’s elections revealed glaring disparities in women’s participation across all stages of the political process. Women were largely absent as candidates, marginalised within political parties, and often sidelined during primaries where real power negotiations occurred.
Despite women’s active roles as campaign mobilisers, voters, and party supporters, very few were given party tickets to contest elections. Where women showed interest, they were discouraged sometimes subtly, other times aggressively through intimidation, financial barriers, and patriarchal gatekeeping. This audit exposed a hard truth: women were present, but not empowered.
5.2 It is not that women are not ready to lead
From the Gender Audit of Nigeria’s elections from 2007-2023, there are glaring disparities in women’s participation across all stages of the political process. Women were largely absent as candidates, marginalised within political parties, and often sidelined during primaries where real power negotiations occurred. Yet, leadership opportunities remain unequal, not because women are unqualified, but because the system is designed to exclude them.
Despite women’s active roles as campaign mobilisers, voters, and party supporters, very few were given party tickets to contest elections. Where women showed interest, they were discouraged sometimes subtly, other times aggressively through intimidation, financial barriers, and patriarchal gatekeeping. This audit exposed a hard truth: women were present, but not empowered. What does 2027 hold for women in politics?
Reasons for exclusion: Understanding the barriers
Women’s exclusion from leadership in Nigeria is driven by interconnected internal and external factors. Addressing one without the other limits progress.
The “what”: major challenges facing women in leadership.
Below are six major challenges shaping women’s leadership exclusion in Nigeria.
Patriarchal political structures: Nigeria’s political system is deeply patriarchal. Political parties, electoral processes, and leadership norms are built around male dominance, reinforcing the idea that leadership is a “man’s space.”
Economic and Financial Barriers: Politics in Nigeria is capital-intensive. High nomination fees, campaign costs, and patronage systems exclude many women who lack access to financial networks controlled by men.
Violence, Intimidation, and Political Harassment: Electoral violence disproportionately affects women physically, psychologically, and reputationally. Many women are forced to withdraw for safety reasons.
Discriminatory legal and institutional practices: Even within formal institutions, discrimination persists.
Example: Qualified female judges have been denied elevation to Chief Judge positions because they were “married to another indigene,” despite constitutional guarantees of equality. These practices reinforce institutional bias against women’s leadership.
Cultural and social norms: Cultural expectations position women as caregivers first, leaders second. Women who assert leadership are often labeled aggressive, immoral, or neglectful of family duties.
Internalised Suppression and Self-Doubt: Years of exclusion produce internal barriers self-doubt, fear of backlash, and the belief that leadership is “not meant for me.”
5.3 The “why”: Why women’s exclusion persists
Women’s exclusion persists because external barriers are reinforced by internal suppression.
External systems tell women they do not belong. Over time, women begin to question themselves. This internalised doubt limits participation even when opportunities arise.
The system thrives when women self-exclude because of fear, discouragement, or lack of confidence.
5.4 Internal vs external barriers: The leadership battle
Internal barriers: Internal barriers are the silent ones:
“Am I good enough?”
“What will people say?”
“Can I survive the backlash?”
These thoughts are not natural, they are learned responses to exclusion. External barriers: External barriers include: Party gatekeeping, legal discrimination, violence and intimidation, cultural resistance.
The key insight: The most effective way to confront external barriers is to first confront internal suppression. When women develop internal confidence, political consciousness, and leadership identity, they are better equipped to challenge exclusionary systems.
The “how”: How these challenges affect women
These barriers result in:
Low political ambition among young women
Tokenism instead of meaningful inclusion
Burnout among women leaders
Loss of competent leadership for Nigeria
The nation loses diverse perspectives, inclusive policies, and sustainable development outcomes.
Concluded.
Dr Afolabi, the executive chair of Women Advocates Research and Documentation Centre (WARDC) delivered this as keynote address at the 39th annual conference and rally of the National Governing Body of Inner Wheel Clubs in Nigeria.
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