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| Justice Ayo Salami |
Justice Ayo Salami reportedly rejected the appointment given to him by the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Walter Onnoghen, to chair the Anti-Corruption Cases Tribunal Monitoring Committee. Reports indicate that Justice Salami had insinuated that the National Judicial Council abandoned him when President Goodluck Jonathan refused to reinstate him as the President of the Federal Court of Appeal.
Justice Salami reportedly asked, “Where was the (National Judicial Council, chaired by then Chief Justices Aloysius Katsina-Alu, Dahiru Musdapher, and Aloma Mukthar, in succession) when (the Jonathan Administration, presumably was) harassing me? Where was the (Supreme) Court when (the Jonathan Administration, again presumably) was harassing me?”
Justice Salami allegedly had telephone conversations with some members of the former Action Congress of Nigeria, at the time the appeal of Rauf Aregbesola against the election of Olagunsoye Oyinlola was still being considered by his court.
Justice Salami was suspended under CJN Katsina-Alu. There is some confusion regarding what really happened. Brother Judges were alleged to have lied against each other, and some failed to speak up for other, to avoid jeopardizing their chances of being appointed to higher offices.
In May 2012 the NJC, under CJN Musdapher, cleared Justice Salami, and recommended his reinstatement. But former President Jonathan demurred. The NJC also failed to put in a second word for him, until he retired on October 15, 2013, when he attained the statutory age of 70, under the tenure of CJN Mukhtar.
The Terms of Reference of the Anti-Corruption Cases Monitoring Committee include regular monitoring and evaluation of courts designated for trial of financial and economic crimes; conducting background checks on judges selected for the special courts; and evaluating the performances of such judges.
Members of the committee are Justices Kashim Zannah, Marshal Umukoro, P.O. Nnadi, M.C. Abimbola, and Chief Judges of Borno, Delta, Imo, and Oyo states, appointed likely in their personal capacities.
Others are President of the Nigerian Bar Association; Dr. Garba Tetengi of the NJC, possibly to represent the CJN; and former NBA Presidents Wole Olanipekun, Olisa Agbakoba, Joseph Daudu, and Augustine Alegeh, possibly also in their personal capacities.
Yet, other members are Gambo Saleh, Secretary of the NJC, who may have to provide administrative services for the committee; as well as representatives of Non-Governmental Organisations, the Federal Ministry of Justice, and Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria.
To make the job of the committee easy, Onnoghen directed the heads of the various courts of the federation to designate special courts for the purpose of speedy prosecution of corruption cases, while the Supreme Court and the Federal Court of Appeal are expected to dedicate special days of each week to speedy hearing and decision of appeal to such cases.
Also, the CJN directed that all heads of courts should compile, and forward, the list of all cases of corruption, financial, and economic crimes that they are hearing to the NJC. The special courts are also expected to discourage both prosecution and defence lawyers who try to stall corruption cases.
The Senior Advocates of Nigeria among such lawyers should be reported to the Legal Practitioners Legal Privileges Committee, while their juniors, who do not yet wear the silk, should be referred to the Legal Disciplinary Committee.
Some observers think that Justice Salami is one angel, or saint, who fears to tread in the grove where the dreaded Nigerian corruption establishment is comfortably ensconced. “Where Angels Fear To Tread,” a line from Alexander Pope’s poem, “An Essay on Criticism,” title of a novel by E.M. Forster, is apposite here.
Justice Salami probably remembers the complete line from Pope, “For fools rush in where angels fear to tread,” and decided he would not tango with the incubus and succubus that rule the affairs of the Nigerian realm of corruption. As the Yoruba would admit, “Ogbogbonl’agba fi nsa fun malu,” the elderly avoid a wild cow with wisdom.
A few Nigerians, who attempted to rid Nigeria of corruption, got walloped by corruption instead. Nuhu Ribadu, pioneer Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, veritable anti-corruption czar of the Olusegun Obasanjo administration, was replaced by President Umaru Yar’Adua, who buckled to the pressure of former governors, and other powerful politicians, who were being prosecuted by the EFCC.
Ribadu, who arrested and prosecuted his former boss, Tafa Balogun, was demoted and sent to the Nigerian Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, at Kuru, Jos, to rid him of his anti-corruption zeal, and tech to respect, and conform, with the gospel of the wicked who rule Nigeria.He was not allowed to graduate. He eventually escaped into exile, through the acclaimed “NADECO underground railway”, operated by civil society groups. He was also prosecuted by the Code of Conduct Tribunal for allegedly buying a government asset for his in-law, and for failure to declare his assets.
Former Head of Service, Steve Oronsaye, a chartered accountant, who was drafted to become Head of Service after a successful career with Peat Marwick accounting and financial services firm, was later requested to find a way to restructure the federal civil service for greater efficiency.
He recommended that 263 agencies should be reduced to 161; that budgets should be linked to deliverables, and that professional councils should be removed from the national budget. He got into the bad book of the “evil” civil service establishment.
Somebody raked up reports of corruption against him, including Abdurasheed Maina, now under intense media radar, for illegally awarding contracts to companies with which he had links, while he was Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Financial Action Task Force. He may not have completely shaken off the odium of that stigma.
Abdulmumini Jibrin, member of the House of Representatives representing Kiri/Bebeji Federal Constituency in Kano State, and former Chairman of the Budget Appropriation Committee, accused Speaker Yakubu Dogara, and others, of padding the 2016 Federal Budget to the tune of N40bn.
Instead of receiving a pat on the back, he was suspended by his colleagues for 180 days, and barred from holding positions of responsibility till the end of the 8th National Assembly. He has since escaped into exile for fear of falling into the hands of an assassin.
Ndidi Elumelu, Chairman of the House of Representatives Committee on Power and Steel, whose committee instituted a probe into the alleged expenditure of $13 billion by the President Olusegun Obasanjo administration on electricity, also got his fingers burnt.
After the noise and the dramatics, which brought no light at the end, Elumelu and his friends ended in the stronghold of the EFCC that investigated and prosecuted them for allegedly receiving a N100 million bribe.
Perhaps, the only entity that has escaped unscathed after exposing corruption is the faceless whistle-blower. This anonymous quantity has been able to get Babachir Lawal and Ayo Oke, until recently, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, and Director of the National Intelligence Agency, respectively, on the way to possible prosecution.
But some fear for Vice President Yemi Osinbajo who chaired the committee whose report led President Muhammadu Buhari to finally move against Lawal and Oke. They think that when corruption in this case will fight back, it may consume everyone who contributed to fighting against it.
Some of his Pentecostal constituents are however fervently saying, “Not Osinbajo’s portion!”
Twitter @lekansote1
Justice Salami reportedly asked, “Where was the (National Judicial Council, chaired by then Chief Justices Aloysius Katsina-Alu, Dahiru Musdapher, and Aloma Mukthar, in succession) when (the Jonathan Administration, presumably was) harassing me? Where was the (Supreme) Court when (the Jonathan Administration, again presumably) was harassing me?”
Justice Salami allegedly had telephone conversations with some members of the former Action Congress of Nigeria, at the time the appeal of Rauf Aregbesola against the election of Olagunsoye Oyinlola was still being considered by his court.
Justice Salami was suspended under CJN Katsina-Alu. There is some confusion regarding what really happened. Brother Judges were alleged to have lied against each other, and some failed to speak up for other, to avoid jeopardizing their chances of being appointed to higher offices.
In May 2012 the NJC, under CJN Musdapher, cleared Justice Salami, and recommended his reinstatement. But former President Jonathan demurred. The NJC also failed to put in a second word for him, until he retired on October 15, 2013, when he attained the statutory age of 70, under the tenure of CJN Mukhtar.
The Terms of Reference of the Anti-Corruption Cases Monitoring Committee include regular monitoring and evaluation of courts designated for trial of financial and economic crimes; conducting background checks on judges selected for the special courts; and evaluating the performances of such judges.
Members of the committee are Justices Kashim Zannah, Marshal Umukoro, P.O. Nnadi, M.C. Abimbola, and Chief Judges of Borno, Delta, Imo, and Oyo states, appointed likely in their personal capacities.
Others are President of the Nigerian Bar Association; Dr. Garba Tetengi of the NJC, possibly to represent the CJN; and former NBA Presidents Wole Olanipekun, Olisa Agbakoba, Joseph Daudu, and Augustine Alegeh, possibly also in their personal capacities.
Yet, other members are Gambo Saleh, Secretary of the NJC, who may have to provide administrative services for the committee; as well as representatives of Non-Governmental Organisations, the Federal Ministry of Justice, and Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria.
To make the job of the committee easy, Onnoghen directed the heads of the various courts of the federation to designate special courts for the purpose of speedy prosecution of corruption cases, while the Supreme Court and the Federal Court of Appeal are expected to dedicate special days of each week to speedy hearing and decision of appeal to such cases.
Also, the CJN directed that all heads of courts should compile, and forward, the list of all cases of corruption, financial, and economic crimes that they are hearing to the NJC. The special courts are also expected to discourage both prosecution and defence lawyers who try to stall corruption cases.
The Senior Advocates of Nigeria among such lawyers should be reported to the Legal Practitioners Legal Privileges Committee, while their juniors, who do not yet wear the silk, should be referred to the Legal Disciplinary Committee.
Some observers think that Justice Salami is one angel, or saint, who fears to tread in the grove where the dreaded Nigerian corruption establishment is comfortably ensconced. “Where Angels Fear To Tread,” a line from Alexander Pope’s poem, “An Essay on Criticism,” title of a novel by E.M. Forster, is apposite here.
Justice Salami probably remembers the complete line from Pope, “For fools rush in where angels fear to tread,” and decided he would not tango with the incubus and succubus that rule the affairs of the Nigerian realm of corruption. As the Yoruba would admit, “Ogbogbonl’agba fi nsa fun malu,” the elderly avoid a wild cow with wisdom.
A few Nigerians, who attempted to rid Nigeria of corruption, got walloped by corruption instead. Nuhu Ribadu, pioneer Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, veritable anti-corruption czar of the Olusegun Obasanjo administration, was replaced by President Umaru Yar’Adua, who buckled to the pressure of former governors, and other powerful politicians, who were being prosecuted by the EFCC.
Ribadu, who arrested and prosecuted his former boss, Tafa Balogun, was demoted and sent to the Nigerian Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, at Kuru, Jos, to rid him of his anti-corruption zeal, and tech to respect, and conform, with the gospel of the wicked who rule Nigeria.He was not allowed to graduate. He eventually escaped into exile, through the acclaimed “NADECO underground railway”, operated by civil society groups. He was also prosecuted by the Code of Conduct Tribunal for allegedly buying a government asset for his in-law, and for failure to declare his assets.
Former Head of Service, Steve Oronsaye, a chartered accountant, who was drafted to become Head of Service after a successful career with Peat Marwick accounting and financial services firm, was later requested to find a way to restructure the federal civil service for greater efficiency.
He recommended that 263 agencies should be reduced to 161; that budgets should be linked to deliverables, and that professional councils should be removed from the national budget. He got into the bad book of the “evil” civil service establishment.
Somebody raked up reports of corruption against him, including Abdurasheed Maina, now under intense media radar, for illegally awarding contracts to companies with which he had links, while he was Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Financial Action Task Force. He may not have completely shaken off the odium of that stigma.
Abdulmumini Jibrin, member of the House of Representatives representing Kiri/Bebeji Federal Constituency in Kano State, and former Chairman of the Budget Appropriation Committee, accused Speaker Yakubu Dogara, and others, of padding the 2016 Federal Budget to the tune of N40bn.
Instead of receiving a pat on the back, he was suspended by his colleagues for 180 days, and barred from holding positions of responsibility till the end of the 8th National Assembly. He has since escaped into exile for fear of falling into the hands of an assassin.
Ndidi Elumelu, Chairman of the House of Representatives Committee on Power and Steel, whose committee instituted a probe into the alleged expenditure of $13 billion by the President Olusegun Obasanjo administration on electricity, also got his fingers burnt.
After the noise and the dramatics, which brought no light at the end, Elumelu and his friends ended in the stronghold of the EFCC that investigated and prosecuted them for allegedly receiving a N100 million bribe.
Perhaps, the only entity that has escaped unscathed after exposing corruption is the faceless whistle-blower. This anonymous quantity has been able to get Babachir Lawal and Ayo Oke, until recently, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, and Director of the National Intelligence Agency, respectively, on the way to possible prosecution.
But some fear for Vice President Yemi Osinbajo who chaired the committee whose report led President Muhammadu Buhari to finally move against Lawal and Oke. They think that when corruption in this case will fight back, it may consume everyone who contributed to fighting against it.
Some of his Pentecostal constituents are however fervently saying, “Not Osinbajo’s portion!”
Twitter @lekansote1
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